Every day we wake up to new Russian atrocities—and new Russian lies about those atrocities—in Ukraine. The latest example is in Bucha, a Kyiv suburb where retreating Russian forces “left behind dead civilians lining the streets—some with their hands bound, some with gunshot wounds to the head.” The Kremlin quickly issued denials and claimed the evidence was fabricated.
After weeks of war, much has been written about the success and failures of Russia’s disinformation and propaganda. These tactics, of course, are not new. Russia has been running propaganda campaigns since the Cold War. What does feel new is the preponderance of true information available—and perhaps equally importantly, the speed at which it spreads. Social media, satellite imagery, and 24/7 reporting are directly refuting Russian disinformation in real time.
That news is only reaching some people, however. It’s worth stepping back to consider the various audiences for Russia’s disinformation campaigns and examine where they’re working and where they’re not.
First, where it’s not: Ukraine and the West. Russia and Putin have spread a long line of falsehoods about Ukraine. They claimed that Russian language speakers in Ukraine would welcome a Russian invasion. They’ve denied Ukrainian statehood, claiming Ukraine has always been part of Russia. They said this “special military operation” was necessary to “liberate” Ukrainians from their “Nazi leaders.” And with the war underway, government officials now claim...
A front-page article with the byline of veteran New York Times opinion writer Nicholas Kristof is the latest poisonous example of what I call the NGO “halo effect.” Headlined “The Silence That Mee...